World War II Anti-Japanese Propaganda
“The United States of America was suddenly and deliberately
attacked by naval and air forces of the Empire of Japan.” (Declaration of
War Against Japan) These words were said by President Franklin D.
Roosevelt in his declaration of war on Japan on December 8, 1941. The
attack on Pearl Harbor marked the official entry of the United States
involvement in World War II and sparked a barrage of anti-Japanese
propaganda. From posters to leaflets, radio messages to the attack on Pearl
Harbor, the public of the United States was constantly the center of
attention for psychological warfare. Propaganda of the World War II period
reflected the American people’s anti-Japanese sentiment.
Twenty years after the conclusion of World War I, Germany, Italy,
and Japan started an international aggression campaign that would
eventually bring the United States into a second global conflict. “Let’s Put
the Axe to the Axis” was a popular wartime propaganda song pushing action
toward breaking the Axis’ power (The Enduring Vision 910). The Axis was
the name given to the German, Japanese and Italian alliance. The Allied
powers were the United States, Great Britain, France, and later, Russia. The
Rome-Berlin-Tokyo Axis, as it is called, formed in 1936-1937, and the Allied
countries came together shortly after. The United States did not want to
enter the war, and as late as mid-November in 1941, the US felt “the most
essential thing now, from the United States standpoint, is to gain time.”
December 7, 1941, the “date which will live in infamy,” the United
States was attacked by Japan at Pearl Harbor, Hawaii. Until December, the
Japanese had pursued two courses of action for the current situation. They
attempted to get the oil embargo lifted without giving up the territory they
wanted, and to prepare for war. On the other side, the US demanded the
withdraw of Japanese troops from Indochina and China. All of this became
irrelevant by mid-October. Japan’s new premier, General Tojo Hideki
secretly set November 29, 1941 as the last day Japan would accept a
settlement with the United States without war. Since the deadline was kept
secret, it meant war was almost certain. The Japanese felt very confident
with their plans for war. The army and navy had proposed to ma.
. middle of paper.
. ds, throw reason out the
window, and follow courses of action we may regret later”
Boyer, Clark, Kett, Salisbury, Sitkoff and Woloch.
The Enduring Vision Second Edition
“Declaration of War Against Japan”, World War II,
Microsoft Encarta Encyclopedia
The Independent Institute
National Archives and Records Administration,
Pearl Habor, Microsoft Encarta Encyclopedia
“Wartime Propaganda”, Propaganda, Microsoft Encarta Encyclopedia
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Needless to say, every one of the wars just mentioned was advertised as a defensive, moralistic, and completely national expedition. Bismarck even went so far as to make an unworkable treaty with Austria so that he could claim, when Austria broke it, that he was waging war in defense of the sacredness of treaties. But no one should be deceived by such propaganda. All these wars were waged in order to maintain certain groups in control in the belligerent countries.
The third class of wars are those waged to turn attention from unsatisfactory conditions at home. Bismarck made three wars primarily in order to break the bourgeois ranks and overcome particularism in Germany. Napoleon III’s expedition to Mexico was merely an effort to please the discontented Catholics at home. Last Spring there were indications that the American government was considering seriously the idea of a war with Japan in order to bring us out of the Depression. If the Five-Year Plan fails in Russia, and disorders break out there similar to the disorders in France in the four months preceding the declaration of war in 1792, we may expect the Russian government to try its hand at a war in order to turn attention from its failure. For this is a natural means of strengthening the hands of a government, of uniting the nation and thus preserving power. It works if you win.
But the three types of motive so far considered are not nearly so frequently encountered as the fourth type, the making of war to strengthen and enrich dominating group. Once such a group is firmly in the saddle it always uses the opportunity to further strengthen its own economic and political power. In this class of wars we include all the colonial wars of modern times, the British (opium) war of 1840, thc Boer War, the Franco-British intervention in the Crimean War, Napoleon III’s war on Austria in 1859, Russia’s numerous wars on Turkey,.the Russo-Japanese War, and our own war on Mexico. Each of thc governments which forced these vvars was pushed on by groups at home so powerful that they could dictate its policy. The Boer War is a perfect example of a class dominating foreign policy and making war to fill its own pocketbook.
Thc World War furnishes examples of all these different types of motivation. The military clique in Serbia striving to get into control, the governing Germans and Magyars in Austria-Hungary fearing to lose control, the dominating manufacturers, bankers and landowners in the other countries hoping to increase their wealth by destroying dangerous competition–such were the internal forces that, in 1914, produced war. Out of the interests of the dominating classes in the principal countries of Europe arose the foreign policies and alliances that led to the war.
Take first the antagonism between Austria-Hungary and Russia. In the Austro-Hungarian monarchy one finds that the dominant Germans and Magyars were afraid of losing control at home if the various subordinate nationalities grew too strong. As most of these were Slavic, the creation of large Slavic states in the Balkins would draw the Southern Slavs from Austria-Hungary and induce the Northern Slavs and Rumanians to demand more power or even independence. If Russia destroyed the Ottoman Empire, took Constantinople and created large Slavic states in the Balkans, the Austro-Hungarian monarchy would go to pieces. Naturally, the dominating groups, particularly the Hungarun nobles, hated and feared Russia and turned to Gcrmany for support against her.
As for Russia and her ambitions in the Near East, back of her colossal capacity for expansion lay the interests of a dominant landowning class faced with the alternative of either internal reforms weakening to its power or else expansion. In the Near East the interests of landowners desiring to export their grain and of textile manufacturers wishing to control the markets of Asia produced numerous wars on Turkey. Of course, the Russian government maintained piously that it was trying to free the Balkan Slavs from the oppression of the un-Christian Turks, and one of the chief articles in the programme of Pan-Slavism was the release of the Greek Orthodox Slavs from Roman Catholic oppression in Austria-Hungary. But this propaganda should deceive no one. The interests of the landowners and textile manufacturers provided the whole driving force for Russian expansion in the Near East, and as a result, for Russian antagonism to Austria-Hungary.
In the Russo-German feud, the conflict started with thc building of railroads in Russia that could transport grain cheaply into the German market. Germany, in alarm, raised her tariff on grain, and Russia retaliated with various bellicose measures, including a heavy tariff on manu?actures, and a transfer of her loans from Berlin to Paris, This procedure antagonized the German bankers, manufacturers and large landowners–the dominating classes in Germany. The Russians were alarmed too by the growth of German commerce in the Near East and angered by the German support of Austria-Hungary. For all thcse reasons, the famous break between Germany and Russia, which happened to come in 1890, was inevitable. Tbe dominating classes in the two countries had too many conflicting interests; not even their common, but rather general interest in thc conservative principle could prevail over their other disagreements.
As between Germany and Great Britain, the conflict for the markets of the world was alone sufficient to engender hostility. British consuls began complaining of German competition in the 80’s, and after 1900 this competition became so serious that British manufacturers had to lower wages, and strikes and other troubles resulted. Efforts to bring about a compromise between the German and British manufacturers failed because both wanted to sell everything everywhere. The British talked grandly o? the German desire for world hegemony, but they meant only the German effort to dominate the world’s markets. The British also talked of the menace of the German fleet, but in reality it was never large enough to threaten seriously Britain’s control of the seas. And the Germans, on their side, talked of the insult to German national honor whenever the British excluded them from Morocco, or Persia or some other profitable market.
Finally, we come to the Franco-German antagonism. This is older than any of the others and an understanding of it is made difficult by the enormous literature that befogs the subject. Yet it is clear that France, like Great Britain, was controlled by her bankers and manufacturers. These classes found it easier to dominate the deputies in a democratic republic than the king in a monarchy. But the republicans had got off to a bad start in 1870-71 when they lost the war; to them Alsace-Lorraine was the symbol af their defeat. Until they seem to realize that foreign offices are subject to the same influences. In this country our State Department lately indulged in a classic example of servility to a dbminant group. It found out that several South American countries were in such a precarious position that investments there were unsafe. It sent the news to Wall Street and asked it not to lend any money to these states. When Wall Street, despite this warning, continued to float more bonds which the State Department knew were likely to injure our investors it should have informed the investing public of the facts. But instead, it kept quiet and let American investors lose their money.
But tbough it is an indisputable fact that governments always act, whether in peace or in war, in accordance with thc intercsts of the dominant economic and socia1 groups, this does not mean that they can afford to neglect the pretense of protecting the interests of other groups. Louis Philippe lost his throne because he made no effort to persuade the classes other than the manufacturers and bankers that he was working for them. The French lawyers who run the Third Republic know better than this; they keep up a constant chatter about their radicaI reforms for the benefit of the workers and peasants. Yet all their measures show who their real masters are.
Nor can it be argued that the theory of dominating groups controlling foreign policy is made invalid by thc fact that diplomats as a class betray some of the most naive intellects in the governmental circle. Their chief function, in fact, is simply to exercise a peasant-like cleverness in cheating other diplomats. They do what they do with a sincere belief in their own propaganda, and without realizing who it is that is kicking them about.
Finally, no one can object to the theory of dominant groups on account of the fact that such groups are often very shortsighted in the matter of their real interests. It is true that they are often shortsighted; but what they conceive to be their interest is what they force the government to do. That this interest is not often that of the whole country is another matter, –and something that the late Norman Angill, in “The Great Illusion”, failed to understand.
If it be true, then, that dominating groups control foreign policy and make wars to maintain their dominance, what chance is there that these groups can be persuaded to avoid war by giving up their control? The answer is, practically none.
Published: 23rd March, 2015 Last Edited: 23rd March, 2015
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During World War 2 the government used agencies that where connected to the army to gather information on the enemy at the time. One of these agencies was the OSS the first real American intelligence agency. The OSS was a huge undercover network of spy post, branches, and research all over the world own and operated by William J. Donovan who controlled the office against its toughest advisories and missions. During World War II much of the information was gathered by government and state agencies but the OSS was not part of the US government so, it was able to work freely to gather intelligence and research without any barriers and because of this intelligence and the Intel of other agencies the USA was able to win this is why the OSS was and will be the best Intelligence agency ever created. "The OSS was a service that could collect data from open sources and all departments of the government." (OSS, CIA.com).
Before the OSS the United States government left intelligence to foreign policies of the Department of State & Armed services. While another European war arose during the late 1930s, fears of Communism in America alerted President Franklin D. Roosevelt to demand for a greater organization. When nothing seemed to appear in response to his demand, he tried again in spring of 1941, expressing his wish to make the traditional intelligence services to take action against Challenges of the states, because he did not want to have to arbitrate their complaints. Weeks Past, in fury Roosevelt requested some advice from a pair of British officials: Admiral John H. Godfrey and William Stephenson. With the help the British official, Roosevelt created a new organization to reproduct some of the functions of the existing agencies (COI Came First, CIA.com). Roosevelt came to a conclusion that one man was fit for a position to control on what they believe to be a greater agency. The President on July 11, 1941 made General William J. Donovan of New York to organize the mess as the Coordinator of Information (COI), the head of a new civilian office attached to the White House. During the COI's operational date it constituted the United States first peacetime. Roosevelt allowed the COI to collect and analyze information and data.
While America entered the war in 1941, new thinking arose about the place and the role of the COI. Donovan with his new office, $10 million budget, 600 staffers, and its charismatic director, had started fury in the FBI, the G-2, and numerous war agencies. The Joint Chiefs of Staff (JCS) had distrust featuring Donovan's civilian past. President Roosevelt embraced the idea of moving parts of the COI to the JCS. The President, however, wanted to keep COI's Foreign Information Service out of military hands. So, he split the COI's propaganda missions, giving the FIS the officially attributable side of the business-and the other half of COI's permanent staff-and sent it to the new Office of War Information. The remainder of COI became the Office of Strategic Services (OSS) on 13 June 1942. This change of name to OSS marked the loss of the propaganda mission, but it also fulfilled Donovan's wish for an agency that reflected his sense of the "strategic" importance of intelligence and operations in modern war.
Sometime later, Donovan was hit hard again because of his aspirations for a new institution. Both the department of state and the armed forces devised a decree, under presidential law, that banned the OSS and many other agency from "acquiring and decoding the war's most important intelligence source: intercepted Axis communications" (cia.gov). Donovan was enraged with this decree, but none of his complaints were heard.
There forth, the OSS had no access to intercepts on Japan and could read only certain types of many German intercepts. Other rules of the decree limited the OSS's effectiveness. Donovan with his persistence was able to develop a counterintelligence plan overseas called the X-2 Branch. This new branch had no authority to operate in the western hemisphere (What Was OSS, cia.com). Donovan expanded the OSS in 1942 into full operation abroad." He sent units to every theater of war that would have them" (What was OSS, cia.com). With the success of the TORCH operation won the office praise and many more supporters in Washington. Two generals. saw very little use for the work of the OSS and thus the office was not able to contribute to many of the main American Campaigns against Japan. Utilizing military cover for the most part, but with some officers under diplomatic and non-official cover, OSS began to build a world-wide clandestine capability.
At its peak in late 1944, OSS employed almost 13,000 men and women. In relative terms, it was a little smaller than a US Army infantry division or a war agency like the Office of Price Administration, which governed prices for many commodities and products in the civilian economy. General Donovan employed thousands of officers and enlisted men seconded from the armed services, and he also found military slots for many of the people who came to OSS as civilians. US Army (and Army Air Forces) personnel comprised about two-thirds of its strength, with civilians from all walks of life making up another quarter; the remainder were from the Navy, Marines, or Coast Guard. About 7,500 OSS employees served overseas, and about 4,500 were women (with 900 of them serving in overseas postings). In Fiscal Year 1945, the office spent $43 million, bringing its total spending over its four-year life to around $135 million (almost $1.1 billion in today's dollars).
One of the branches was the Special Operations Branch (SO), SO had ran guerrilla campaigns in Europe and Asia. As with other facts of the OSS's work, the organization was guided by British experiences in the field of psychological warfare. British strategists in the year between 1940 and 1941 had wondered how Britain, which had lacked the strength to operate and successfully land on the European continent, could weaken the Germans and at the end of the day defeat Hitler. The Special Operations Executive (SOE), composed of a civilian body, took command of the latter mission and began planning to "set Europe ablaze" (CIA.com). This stress on guerrilla warfare and sabotage fit with Donovan's vision of an offensive in dept Type, in which saboteurs, guerrillas, commandos, and agents behind enemy lines would aid the army's advance.
The OSS was composed of two major director that one controls the intelligence Services, and the other controls the Strategic Services Operations. The OSS used these branches to one gather the intelligence and the other to carry out operations so that it insures the intelligence true. Both of these were heavily used upon and none could survive without each other to secure American troops that they would win the battles. And to have them take possible new roads for safer travel to Germany. Much of the work was possible because of the brilliant thinking of Donovan and his persistence to command a sort of army of hisown.
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